Nuñez presents at ALT XV

Imperatives in Marinduque Tagalog: Evidence of Aspectual Inflection

Imperative constructions are generally considered to be less rich in aspectual distinctions compared to declaratives (Aikhenvald, 2010). This holds across a broad spectrum of Philippine languages, where it stands out from the other clause types due to its lack of inflection for aspect. Martin (1990, p. 8) stressed this to be a standard feature in Tagalog where expressions like kainin mo ito, ‘eat this’ cannot be inflected as kakainin mo ito, ‘you will eat this,’ and retain the same commanding tone. This propensity finds resemblance in other Philippine languages, including Masbatenyo, Bikolano, and Cebuano, where the inflected forms kakaonan mo ini, kakakanon mo ni, and kan-unonun ni nimo, respectively, exhibit a quality more akin to a statement than a command. However, Marinduque Tagalog (MT)—a regional dialect spoken on an island in the southernmost part of Luzon—presents an intriguing departure from this as it is relatively common for commands and requests to display affixation in the contemplative aspect. Thus, kaina ire ‘eat this’ can be further inflected with the same contemplative affix used in the declarative form: akainin mo ire ‘eat this (later)’. Instead of employing the PMP *CVr, which is the prototypical pattern as exemplified in the abovementioned languages, MT deviates once again by using the prefix [a-].

Moreover, I posit that this contemplative aspectual inflection delineates between immediate and delayed imperatives—a distinction whose incorporation adds semantic overtones to the interpretation. In the earlier examples, akainin mo ire carries a more polite connotation compared to its basic equivalent kaina ire. Beyond the temporal contrast, I argue that whether or not the contemplative prefix is used affects the perceived immediacy of the command; imperative constructions lacking the contemplative affix suggest a pressing need for an immediate response, whereas those that use the affix provide the recipient with temporal flexibility, granting them the option to comply at a later time. This also explains why the inflection is typically associated with polite overtones since the addressee(s) are afforded additional time to consider the command.

This paper sheds light on the morphosyntax of imperative constructions and its interaction with aspect. I leverage years of observation as a native speaker of MT in examining its behavior across various grammatical voices as well as in prohibitive constructions. The findings herein provide counterevidence to the existing typological presuppositions about the constraints in
expressing imperatives in the Philippine linguistic context. Consequently, this lays a foundational basis for cross-linguistic comparisons among languages of the
Philippines to refine our understanding of imperative constructions by taking into account the variations revealed through the study of other underexplored languages and dialects.